Is conventional masculinity being modernised?

The past decade or so has seen a marked increase in neologisms for men, which include recent examples such as ‘neosexual’, ‘heteropolitan’ and ‘übersexual’ (see Urban Dictionary for definitions), and it seems that some men are now self-identifying with these.

The common theme across these contemporary categories is men’s embodiment of some non-traditional masculine attributes (e.g. caring and sensitivity). Many of these changes have been spurred on by media/advertising representations of men, which have contributed to the increasing visibility of men’s bodies (Gill et al., 2005). Where once women’s bodies dominated style magazines, newspapers, television and billboards, men’s bodies are now just as likely to feature. The increasing exposure of men’s bodies appears to have lead some men at least, to ‘re-evaluate their appearance, re-position themselves as consumers of fashion and style products, and ultimately re-construct their idea of what it is to be male’ (Harrison, 2008: 56). It seems clear from Harrison’s research and the emergence of these contemporary neologisms that some men are now actively engaging with these new masculine identities.

Forays into un-chartered masculine identity territory appear to be producing interesting places of slippage where traditional standards and notions of gender binaries are potentially undermined and contested (Whitehead and Barrett, 2001). Such forays have led some to wonder if conventional or ‘hegemonic’ (Connell, 1995) forms of masculinity are being superseded or modernised (see MacInnes, 2001). However, other research (Simpson, 2005; Hall & Gough, 2010, forthcoming) suggests that ascription and embodiment of these non-conventional masculine identities walks a fine line between rejecting traditional masculinised practices (e.g. disinterest in appearance) and invoking other masculinised ideals (e.g. autonomy, self-discipline). In other words, the continued force of hegemonic masculinities looms large.

Masculinity

Neosexual Man – The New Male For the New Millennium

Masculinity, men’s health and the ‘caveman diet’

With Men’s Health Week a little over a month away, it is worth pausing a moment to consider the relationship between masculinity and men’s health. The now substantial body of literature on men and masculinities, points to men constructing and negotiating their masculine identities in opposition to women and in relation to ‘hegemonic masculinity’ (Connell, 1995). That is, the dominant masculine styles and ways of being, as portrayed in film such as Lord of the Rings (e.g. by Aragorn, Boromir and Gimli). Such characters perpetuate men as strong, resilient and invulnerable. These tend to discourage men from ‘health-positive’ behaviours (e.g. following a healthy diet) and promote risk-taking behaviours like drinking and violence (Gough, 2006). Furthermore, masculine traits such as independence, self-reliance and stoicism tend to be incompatible with ‘help-seeking behaviours’, such as asking advice, using health services and speaking openly about health problems (Seymour-Smith et al., 2002).

Another reason for men’s disinterest in health-related practices is their association with women and femininity (Harrison, 2008; Gill et al., 2005). For example, women are frequently portrayed in the media as diet focused, whereas ‘real’ men don’t diet (Gough, 2007). Those men who do diet, frequently reframe their feminised practice in more ‘hegemonic’ masculine ways (e.g. for sporting success or to increase sexual prowess). A contemporary example of this is the relatively recent ‘caveman diet’. As the name suggests, it is aimed specifically at men and so immediately distinguishes it from similar women’s diets. The diet is promoted by ‘wilderness and survival expert’ Ray Mears, giving the diet a more traditional hunter-gatherer masculine image. Furthermore, the hunter/gatherer image gives men permission to continue to consume meat in bulk (see also: Gough, 2007 for links between meat consumption and masculinity), whilst at the same time eating salads, fruits and vegetables – foods typically associated with women’s diets. Mears does however, masculinise these food groups by suggesting that ‘contemporary cavemen’ should go out and forage for these.

Men’s Health Week 14-20 June 2010

Ray Mears on eating like a caveman

Masculinities, Femininities, Behaviour and Health

Jock culture scores own goal

The recent imprisonment of the Wigan Athletic footballer, Marlon King, for groping a woman and then smashing her in the face after she rejected him, was apparently his most recent crime in a line of convictions spanning twelve years. It is reported (Guardian, 2009) that the majority of King’s convictions involved violence, and in particular, sexual violence against women.

Cases such as Kings bring to light a small, but not insignificant number of male athletes who appear to be taking advantage of their status, money and high prestige to harm women (and other men). Coad (2009) and Benedict (1997, 2004) suggest these athletes are attempting to carry out ‘gender and sexual myths endorsed by jock culture’. According to them ‘jock culture’ codes involve dangerous, antisocial and often illegal behaviour. For male athletes subscribing to ‘jock culture’, one way of demonstrating those values is to sexually objectify women. The more sexual interactions with women, whether consensual or not, the more masculine they appear to themselves and others, since numerous heterosexual conquests are equated with masculinity.

Unlike the case brought against King, the majority of complaints against male athletes are dropped before they reach court (Benedict, 1997, 2004). However as Coad (2009) and Benedict (1997, 2004) report, crime associated with ‘jock culture’ appears to be on the increase. This warns us then, of the potential problematic outcomes of masculinities mixed with high prestige and status.

Marlon King’s criminal career off the pitch

A guide to the literature on aggressive behavior

Pros and Cons: The Criminals Who Play in the NFL