Olympic expectations gone awry: Plushenko conforms to silver medalist syndrome.

Avid Olympic watchers most likely tuned in to Thursday night’s main event: the men’s figure skating free skate. Evan Lysacek won gold for the United States, becoming the first American man to win it since 1988. Russia’s Evgeni Plushenko took the silver – losing by a mere 1.31 points overall – and ended Russia’s streak in the sport. Had Plushenko won the gold, as he expected, he would have been the first man to win back-to-back Olympic gold medals since 1952.

But he didn’t win it. And as social psychology would predict, the disappointment generated by being so close to an expected win (and then losing) has some pretty unpleasant side effects. For starters, Plushenko acted like a true to form sore loser when he told reporters, “Obviously, Evan needs the medal more than me, maybe because I’ve got one already.” He ended up never congratulating Lysacek and took off his silver medal immediately as he left the ice following the victory lap.

Psychologists explain this silver medalist syndrome as an effect of upward counterfactual thinking. In short, reflecting on how past events might have turned out better – especially if those alternative realities were within very close reach – has a unique sting to it to which no bronze medalist could even begin to relate. According to Medvec, Madey, and Gilovich (1995), bronze medalists are often happier than silver medalists – they smile more on the podium at the medal ceremony – because they focus on the alternative of winning no medal, whereas the silver medalists focus on the alternative of winning gold. Decision Affect Theory (DAT) extends this line of research to integrate the added effects of expectation: although good outcomes feel better when unexpected than when expected, bad outcomes bite extra hard when unexpected than when expected.

Adding it all up, high expectations for success + losing by a little more than a point + upward counterfactual thinking = Plushenko may have surprised us with his loss, but we social psychologists landed the aftermath with precision and grace.

Even in defeat, Yevgeny Plushenko steals show

When Less is More: Counterfactual Thinking and Satisfaction Among Olympic Medalists

The Affective Consequences of Expected and Unexpected Outcomes

When the past comes to haunt

Pop culture is rife with stories of people who blame their negative childhood experiences for their incapacity to stay within relationships or marriages, from the fictional serial killer Dexter who felt it impossible to connect to anyone to Jennifer Aniston’s announcement that her experience of her parents’ divorce made her wary of interpersonal intimacy. But are these mere pop psychology incarnations or are children who experienced traumas any likelier to experience certain marital troubles as adults?

Whisman’s (2006) study on childhood traumas looked at seven different childhood traumas: physical abuse, rape, sexual molestation, serious physical attack, experiences of being threatened with a weapon, life threatening accident, and natural disasters; and the effect of these on marital disruption and marital satisfaction. Physical abuse, rape, and sexual molestation were associated with higher probability of marital dissolution. Lower marital satisfaction was associated with individuals who had experienced rape or sexual molestation. Traumas with assaultive violence, or those where another person directly harmed the child were more likely to be associated with marital disruption and dissatisfaction, as these are seen to be more likely to lead to attachment insecurity (characterized by avoidance, lack of trust) which may then lead to lower marital stability.

Photo: “Goodbye my lover.” by Andii Jetaime, c/o Flickr. Some Rights Reserved.

Dexter crosses media lines, captivate fans

Aniston: ‘Childhood Trauma Blighted My Marriage’

Whisman M. A. (2006) Childhood trauma and marital outcomes in adulthood. Personal Relationships

Psychological violence in marriage: France takes steps to make it illegal

French lawmakers intend to pass a controversial bill that will ban “psychological violence” in marital (or cohabitation) relationships. This bill is controversial because on the one hand “psychological violence” is a difficult concept to define (and may be even more difficult to prosecute). On the other hand, a number of studies have linked psychological violence to physical abuse, post-traumatic stress disorder, and behavioral problems in children. Thus, proponents argue that prosecuting psychological violence may reduce or prevent the occurrence of physical violence in relationships.

Psychological violence (intimidating, threatening, insulting, verbally abusing) in relationships has been found to significantly contribute to PTSD symptoms in victims (Basile et al, 2004). Psychological violence also correlated positively with physical violence. Relevant to France’s recent decision, Basile and colleagues argue that it is important for policy-makers and public health officials to consider various types of intimate partner violence (IPV) — physical violence, psychological violence, stalking, and sexual violence — and the heightened effects of a combination of these on the PTSD symptoms of victims. Further complicating the picture, Clarke et al (2007) report that psychological aggression in marriages contributes to a variety of behavior problems in children.

The recent move by the French government can serve as a reminder of the difficult nature of bringing social scientific research into the legal setting. What counts as “proof” in one setting (statistical relationships and narrative accounts, for example) differs from the other (prosecutable evidence). While the detrimental effects of psychological abuse may have growing support in psychological literature the transferral of this finding into the court setting is far from straightforward. Much of the difficulty arises from the lack of a clear definition of “psychological violence.” Further, the evidence of such harm is not as clear as the evidence of physical harm. Sheehan (2006) documents the difficulties of arguing “emotional abuse” cases of children in courts and it will be interesting to see if future cases in France will parallel this struggle.

Basile, Arias, Desai, & Thompson (2004). The Differential Association of Intimate Partner Physical, Sexual, Psychological, and Stalking Violence and Posttraumatic Stress Symptoms in a Nationally Representative Sample of Women. Journal of Traumatic Stress.

Clarke, Koenen, Taft, Street, King & King (2007). Intimate partner psychological aggression and child behavior problems.

Sheehan (2006). Emotional Harm and Neglect: The Legal Response.

‘Beefeater sacked for harassing first female Yeoman’: A quick analysis of how gender is invoked as a resource for making sense of disputes.

Since Gilligan (1982) established the theory of moral development, feminist psychologists have provided some interesting analysis to show, not whether morality is essentially gendered, but rather, how morality can be invoked to warrant gendered complaints (Muntigl and Turnbull, 1998). For example Stokoe (2003) demonstrated, from interview transcripts of neighbour’s disputes, how female categories such as ‘mothers, ‘single women’ and ‘sluts’ were made relevant (both explicitly and implicitly) in order to judge each other’s moral behaviour (Stokoe, 2003:320). In the following extract from The Sunday Mail’s exclusive interview with the dismissed Yeoman, I will suggest that much of the Yeoman’s warrant for unfair dismissal rests on invoking his former female colleagues status as a ‘single woman’. Consider the following extract in which the Beefeater describes the appointment of the first female Yeoman.

‘What concerned me most, and what caused apprehension and shock among the wives of the Beefeaters, was that she was single.…I have seen a lot of very good friends’ marriages go down the pan in the Army, not because they have done anything, but because other people perceive they have done something…It is not difficult to see the potential for trouble in employing a single woman. Naturally there was some ribald speculation as to what she might look like and whether she would wear high heels with her scarlet tunic’.

In this extract the Beefeater constructs an interpretative frame within which to interpret her appointment. Notice that he deploys the category ‘single woman’. Such a categorisation carries with it a host of inferences that can be traded on, and made available, as a stock of common-sense knowledge about ‘single women’ e.g. being sexually available. However, this alone is not sufficient to provide an immoral account of her. One way in which this can be achieved is by implying that certain types of ‘single women’ are immoral based on their activities (Wowk, 1984). Since gender relations are managed by the norms of monogamy, women (but not men) who are perceived to be a threat to this rule can be held morally accountable. Although the Beefeater does not explicitly state that she was ‘sexually overt’, she is positioned as such through speculation of ‘whether she would wear high heels with her scarlet tunic’ and as a potential cause marital problems for male colleagues. In this way then, the female Yeoman’s ‘single woman’ status is linked to immorality.

Beefeater sacked for harassing first female Yeoman tells how her arrival caused ructions at the Tower… and cost him his job

Social Psychology and Discourse

Mothers, Single Women and Sluts: Gender, Morality and Membership Categorization in Neighbour Disputes

When Gut Feelings Trump Conscious Thought

At almost every major sports event there will be commentators giving their opinions on the predicted winners, losers, or favorites. People tend to give commentators due credibility for their knowledge of the game and sometimes experience. For the layperson however it may be better not to give the event much thought. This is true when making predictions on your own. In a recent study, Dijksterhuis and colleagues (2009) asked participants to make predictions about random football matches two weeks prior to the event. Three groups were used in this investigation. Those who were asked to guess performed the worse. Those who were asked to think about their answers performed better. But the group that performed the best was the group who thought unconsciously.

One exception however is that making predictions unconsciously without prior knowledge is not recommended. The participants who performed the best in the investigation also perceived themselves as relatively knowledgeable.  Those who made conscious decisions with relative knowledge are said to not give proper value to relevant information, hence why they performed worse. People who are essentially asked to guess tend to do worse overall. So next time there’s a football, or sports match for that matter, it might be better to not give it much thought about whom will win.

Read More: Football info

Read more: Sports commentary

Dijksterhuis, A., Bos, M.W., van der Leij, A., van Baaren, R.B. (2009) Predicting soccer matches after unconscious and conscious thought as a function of expertise.

Getting Grandma online: Can psychology help?

By Erica Zaiser

For most of us, technology has become an integral part of our daily routine.  We use computers to send email, find old friends on Facebook, share photos, and keep up with our favorite blogs.  Nonetheless,  some people find it difficult to keep up with new lingo, gadgets, and programs that have become a staple of our workplace and home.  In particular, many elderly people are struggling to keep up with our increasing reliance on technology. However, technological advances could have potential benefits on our ever-growing older demographic.  Elderly people facing limited mobility could gain greater independence through technology and it has also been suggested that surfing the Internet can boost brain function.

In the recent issue of Current Directions in Psychological Science, Charness and Boot (2009) review evidence that although some older people may have a strong interest in using new technology, other factors like computer education, computer anxiety, and decreased cognitive functioning may impair their ability or desire to understand new technology. Furthermore, there are natural life-span changes in motivations that may make elderly interest in and use for technological advances different from the young.  The authors argue that social psychologists can and should assist those who design technology in creating products which both appeal to the elderly and take into account their changing cognitive capabilities.

The BBC reported on the development of a new computer using a desktop interface that is designed to simplify the computing experience for the elderly.  The hope is that this type of system will encourage elderly people to use the Internet and increase their computer-confidence.  This seems like a step in the right direction, although, as Boot and Charness point out, we may never be able to completely close the technology gap between the young and old.  This is because people tend to prefer technology they grew up with to those made available late in their lives.  Since technology is rapidly changing, we may always be more resistance to trying new technology as we get older, no matter how much it caters to our specific needs.

Read more: Charness, N., & Boot, W. R. (2009). Aging and Internet technology use: potential and barriers. Current Directions in Psychological Science. 18, 5.

‘Teen girls abused by boyfriends warns NSPCC’: Standardised Relational Pairs and Membership Categorisation Analysis.

The ‘Partner exploitation and violence in teenage intimate relationships’ research by the NSPCC and Bristol University provides us with an interesting (and alarming) glimpse at ‘standardised relational pair’ categories (Sacks, 1992) and the moral accountability attached to them (Jayussi, 1984). Sacks’ work on categories and their deployment found that certain categories go together like ‘boyfriend–girlfriend’. Members of these categories which form ‘standardised relational pairs’ have rights, responsibilities and duties to each other. In our example ‘boyfriend–girlfriend’, it is presumed that each person should provide a safe, supportive, caring and respectful relationship environment for each other to grow and develop. It follows then that category pairs and associated predicates (rights, responsibilities etc) are relational in the sense that one may be expected to follow the next with accountability as a moral-procedural requirement. Breaches between these categories and predicates ‘one in six said they had been pressured into sexual intercourse and 1 in 16 said they had been raped’, tend to generate moral outrage/alarm and interactional repair solutions ‘parents and schools can perform a vital role in teaching them about loving and safe relationships, and what to do if they are suffering from violence or abuse’.
Teen girls abused by boyfriends warns NSPCC

Gender-Based Violence

Objectification Theory and Psychology of Women: A Decade of Advances and Future Directions

A tutorial on membership categorization

Big Brother is watching you watch ‘Big Brother’

The latest series of the ‘reality’ television show ‘Big Brother’ is currently underway within the United Kingdom. Both the format and world-wide popularity of such voyeuristic entertainment mirrors the huge variety of streaming webcams available on the internet.

Somewhat hypocritically then, many of those who enjoy watching others go about their day-to-day lives are keenly concerned about their own privacy, as evident from controversy surrounding the blurring of public and private by recent advances in mapping technology. Together with privacy worries over the increasingly sophisticated use of computerised tracking and profiling of the general public, this reflects a general concern over the perceived rise of a surveillance society.

This ‘doublethink’ has recently been ironically highlighted by consternation over the development of a device that enables a television set to ‘see’ those viewing it, thereby being able to monitor them for audience profiling purposes, and so transforming the watchers into the watchees.

From a social psychology perspective, the ‘Big Brother’ TV programme format is interesting as it is a ‘popular psychology’ take on observational studies of intra-group processes examining phenomena such as successful team formation.

Consequently, the debate over the morality of watching and being watched, and the distinction between public and private, is similarly relevant to academic research design.

If, as with the ‘Big Brother’ house-mates, participants are aware that they are being observed, then there is a risk that their behaviour will be subject to demand characteristics, and so become an ‘unnatural’ performance. Whilst covertly observing unaware participants may therefore result in more accurate findings, however, this can clearly result in studies taking place that are ethically dubious.

Channel 4 ‘Big Brother’ Website

Wittenbaum, G. M. & Moreland, R. L. (2008). Small-Group Research in Social Psychology: Topics and Trends over Time

Strohmetz, D. B. (2008). Research Artifacts and the Social Psychology of Psychological Experiments

Sunar, D. (2009). Suggestions for a New Integration in the Psychology of Morality

‘Thinking outside the Geschwindigkeitsbegrenzung’

Brüno, the latest work by British comedian Sacha Baron-Cohen, has just achieved the highest-grossing opening weekend for an 18-certificate (i.e. adult-rated) film in the United Kingdom and Ireland.

This ‘mockumentary’ revolves around the reactions of various celebrities and members of the public to Baron-Cohen’s portrayal of the eponymous flamboyantly gay Austrian fashionista. Since those involved believed they were dealing with a genuine rather than fictional character, their responses to his outrageously exaggerated portrayal of stereotypical homosexuality provide a satirical comment on the prejudice and hypocrisy present within a supposedly enlightened modern society.

Extreme reactions provoked by the filming led to Baron-Cohen being both threatened with assault and arrested multiple times, as well as facing subsequent legal action. This mirrors the response to his previous controversial film of the same format, in which he played ‘Kazhakhstani’ Borat. Not only did this similarly result in legal action, but the ensuing furore culminated in an international diplomatic incident.

Whilst such films may claim to provide a revealing insight into homophobia, anti-semitism, and the like, they also raise uncomfortable questions for the audience themselves. For example, it is debatable as to whether they are truly viewed by all cinema-goers as a sophisticated piece of social commentary, or whether they simply allow the ‘politically correct’ an opportunity to laugh at otherwise unacceptable stereotypes.

In terms of their technical approach, many of the humorous scenarios featured within these films echo the ‘breach studies’ of ethnomethodologist Garfinkel, which examined the responses of unsuspecting participants to deliberate violations of social norms.

In a further psychological link, Sacha Baron-Cohen is the cousin of Simon Baron-Cohen, Professor of Developmental Psychopathology at the University of Cambridge.

(And in case you were wondering, ‘Geschwindigkeitsbegrenzung’ is German for ‘speed-limit’!)

Brüno’s official MySpace page

Film review from the Guardian

Smith, J. R. & Louis, W. R. (2009). Group Norms and the Attitude–Behaviour Relationship